Types of Sociology
"I also found that there was a predominance of what I refer to as “whoopie cushion sociology” - so-called “deviant” subcultures meticulously studied and explained through extended quotes to document their uniqueness with absolutely no connection to broader social forces or theory."
Over
my career, I have given much thought to sociology as a field of study.
Courses in theory and methods exposes sociology students, like myself,
to a wide range of paradigms. Very early on, the sociological
imagination of Mills (1959) and the conflict perspective resonated with
me, largely because of my own personal biography. In this way, the
determinative social forces came to life in my own experiences.
As I delved more deeply into theory and sociological paradigms, my own
understanding of the potential of sociological perspectives began to
crystalize. Attending professional conferences also solidified my
perspective. While some researchers in the Marxist discipline focus
nearly exclusively on the global level to the exclusion of people’s
lived experience, Marxists tend engage in research to change society
for the better. Presentations at professional conferences reflected
this orientation. I also would stumble into other panels, and to my
amazement, I may find an example from the functionalist perspective -
the coelacanth of the sociology world, long thought extinct, but still
surviving in isolated environs. I also found that there was a
predominance of what I refer to as “whoopie cushion sociology” (Sethuraju,
Prew, Abdi, and Pipkins 2013:9)
- so-called “deviant” subcultures meticulously studied and explained
through extended quotes to document their uniqueness with absolutely no
connection to broader social forces or theory.
For some time, I thought my pigeonholing of sociology paradigms was my
own solitary assessment until I recently came upon a sociology text by
Albert Szymanski and Ted Goertzel (1979). In it, they outline three
types of sociology: Conservative, Liberal, and Radical. The
conservative paradigm is the Parsonian functionalism that assumes all
is well with the world except those that are not sufficiently
socialized into the dominant social values. The liberal paradigm is
characterized by its absence of broader social forces and its “colorful
anecdotal material that makes for interesting reading” (Szymanski and
Goertzel, 1979:24), i.e. whoopie cushion sociology. The radical
perspective is focused on historical comparative studies aimed at the
transformation of society and liberation of the oppressed. Below are
extended quotes from their text (Szymanski and Goertzel, 1979)
highlighting the differences in sociology I have come to know over the
years.
Conservative Sociology
"Perhaps the most basic assumption in
conservative sociology is that society is an essentially orderly and
harmonious entity, a single organism. While the conservative
sociologists recognize that there are many diverse individuals and
groups in society, their main concern is how these can be made to fit
together in a smoothly operating social system. While some
conservatives assume that people are basically evil for biological
reasons, [Talcott] Parsons and most sociological conservatives tend to
view people as receptive to whatever influences society places upon
them. Parsons’ most central assumption is that the system of values or
beliefs holds societies together. The nature of a society, and any
problems that occur within it, are to be explained in terms of values
held by the people in the society. Growth in a society means the
development of values that better enable the society to adapt to its
environment" (15).
"The conservative paradigm is more concerned with legitimation than it
is with actual scientific research.... It is a paradigm that is highly
conservative in its value implications. The highly abstract terminology
used by Parsons generally makes the paradigm seem more objective and
scientific than it really is. Use of this terminology makes it
difficult to deal with issues such as basic conflicts of interests
between groups in society, since the very terminology would lead one to
think of these conflicts in terms of mere differences in values" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:18).
Liberal Sociology
"Liberal sociology differs from
conservative sociology in its political implications, but this
difference is not obvious or straightforward. Liberal sociologists do
not generally offer a liberal model of how societies function that
could be compared with the models offered by conservative or radical
sociology. Rather, they tend to avoid the question of the larger
structure of society, focusing instead on limited problems within one
particular part of society. Or, frequently, they focus on
social-psychological problems that can be dealt with on the level of
individual interactions without examining how these personal problems
fit into the larger societal context."
"Liberal sociologists generally take the larger structure of the society
for granted, and work on resolving specific problems or answering
specific questions within it. This approach fits into liberalism as a
political ideology. Liberals generally do not question the basic
organization of the American society but the do work to reform specific
aspects of it.... When problems such as crime in the streets or worker
dissatisfaction with their jobs or working conditions occur, liberals
generally assume they can be resolved without major changes in the
society or without compromising the interests of either group in the
dispute" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:19).
"While liberal sociology is weak in social theory, it is much stronger
in its emphasis on research methodology. Indeed, liberal sociologists
are often accused of stressing methods at the expense of theory or even
of empirical description" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:22).
"There are three main methodological traditions within the liberal
paradigm. The first is the experimental method. By experimentation is
meant a method in which the research actively manipulates people in
order to control the variables [the researcher] is studying.... The
laboratory situation is inherently artificial, and there is
considerable controversy about how much behavior in the laboratory is
actually the same as behavior in the real world" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:23).
"The second method, which has been developed into a fine art by liberal
sociologists is the sample survey.... There are significant advantages
to the survey method. It is fairly objective, in the sense that any two
researchers who ask the same questions to samples selected in the same
way should get approximately the same results. It makes it possible to
study large segments of the population fairly economically.... It is
limited, however, to studying phenomena that are formed in the
conscious minds of the respondents and that they are willing and able
to tell the interviewer about. It is difficult to use surveys to study
historical change since one cannot go back into history and ask survey
questions (although one can sometimes find relevant surveys done by
someone else in the past)" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:23-24).
"The third method often used by liberal sociologists to simply observe
group life. Sometimes the sociologist participates as a member of a
group and writes about his or her observations and experiences (this is
known as “participant observation”)....
Observational methods have certain advantages. They enable the
sociologist to get close to social life and perhaps to observe things
that he or she did not anticipate and thus could not have put into a
survey or questionnaire. They often generate colorful anecdotal
material that makes for interesting reading.... The disadvantage is
that observational methods are very restricted in scope. Only
relatively small groups can be observed directly, and there is no
guarantee that what one observes in a given group is the same as what
happens in other groups. Furthermore, not all groups are accessible to
observation, and observational sociologists tend to emphasize groups
that are deviant or interesting in some way. They rarely if ever study
powerful groups, although these groups actually have a much greater
ability to shape social reality than the more ordinary groups that are
available for study....
Through limitations in assumptions about what is important, liberal
sociologists generally avoid serious or fundamental analysis of larger
societal issues, focusing instead on smaller questions that can be
dealt with within the confines of the existing social system" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:24).
Radical Sociology
"Rather than seeing societies as stable
and integrated, Marxism sees societies as divided into social classes
that have conflicting economic interests. It assumes that the dominant
classes use both persuasion and coercion to dominate the lower classes
and that the conflict growing out of the exploitative relations
eventually leads to revolutionary change in the social system" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:25).
"Marxist concepts are less accessible than those of liberal sociology,
since liberal sociology deals largely with phenomena on the level of
individual behavior that are familiar to most people. Marxist concepts
are useful only when one recognizes the necessity of understanding the
dynamics of social systems as a whole" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:26).
"The Marxist paradigm encompasses all societies at all times, but most
of Marx’s work deals with capitalist societies. Much more than the
other two paradigms, the Marxist paradigm is comparative and
historical.... Different theories within the Marxist paradigm are not
of merely academic interest. One of the central tenets of Marxism is
that theories are important insofar as they provide a guide to action.
Political parties and groups that accept a general Marxist approach
differ on questions of tactics strategy, and policy. They each advance
theories and attempt to [support] them both by research and by
practical action" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:27).
"Marxists use a fairly wide range of methods to answer questions raised
by their theories. Since Marxism stresses historical changes on the
societal level, historical methods of research are often used. Marx
himself relied upon government documents for much of his data,
particularly for statistical information on economic trends. Marxists
can also learn from participation in social activities and movements,
and from interviews with informed participants in political struggles.
Survey methods are also amenable to answering some of the questions
raised by Marxists, especially questions about consciousness or
political ideologies. However, survey methods are limited in their
ability to tap highly controversial opinions and attitudes that
interest Marxists, and they play a much less central role than in
liberal sociology" (Szymanski and Goertzel 1979:28).
While these paradigms are a “simplified version” (Szymanski and
Goertzel, 1979:15), I cannot help but feel that little has changed
since Szymanski and Goertzel wrote these words. In fact, little changed
in the time since Mills wrote his “autopsy” (Dandaneau 2009:13) twenty
years earlier. Mills railed against psychologism: “‘Psychologism’
refers to the attempt to explain social phenomena in terms of facts and
theories about the make-up of individuals. Historically, as a
doctrine, it rests upon an explicit metaphysical denial of the reality
of social structure” (Mills 1959:67). He also criticized abstracted empiricism: “The
policy for progress of abstracted empiricists is very specific and
quite hopeful: Let us accumulate many microscopic studies; slowly and
minutely, like ants dragging many small crumbs into a great pile, we
shall ‘build up a science’” (Mills 1959:127).
There is an interesting contradiction at the center of sociology. The
majority of its members cling to the term “sociological imagination”
and some consider themselves radicals (Szymanski and Goertzel,
1979:24), but the mountains of research is embarrassingly lacking in
the fundamental premises that Mills (1959) puts forward in the
sociological imagination: the tie of biography to social structure, the
emphasis on the historical-comparative, the antagonism to psychologism,
and the pursuit of social science as an expressly political project.
While there is some research, specifically the radical paradigm, that
does integrate the sociological imagination, the liberal paradigm has
absconded with the term, sociological imagination, to cloak their naked
emperor.
As a political economist, it is quite clear to me why the discipline of
sociology looks the way it does. If sociology truly lived up to the
sociological imagination, we would be living in quite a different
world. The demands of tenure and the dictates of journal publication
constrict research, in large part with notable exceptions, to easily
studied phenomenon that can be summarized in 10,000 words or less.
While not ultimately excluding other research, the path is clear if one
wants the easy road to tenure and promotion. As Mills (1959) even
comments himself, “Very little except [the researcher’s] own individual
limitations stood between the individual craftsman of social science
and work of the highest order” (102-3). But, Mills also is very clear
that the discipline is consumed with research of the small-scale milieu.
Sociology is largely a discipline that lacks the sociological
imagination and tends to cater to the liberal paradigm. While the
conservative paradigm of the functionalists tends to be marginalized,
so do the radical paradigms of Marxism, critical race theory, and
radical feminist approaches. Liberal approaches tend to think of
themselves as critical, but they are really conducting safe research
that does not seriously challenge anyone or anything, such as racists
or racist social structure, fundamental economic exploitation,
environmental degradation, the profit motive, etc. “Scientific with a
capital S–which often only means made ‘safe’ by being made trivial–for
they do not want to be made the subjects of political attention” (Mills
1959:104).
Obviously, Mills, as well as Szymanski and Goertzel, have taken a clear
political stance on the field of sociology. Given my own personal
experience in the field, I am given to siding with their analysis.
Having said so, it still begs the question, “why does it matter?” Why
should we be concerned that most sociology does not live up to the
sociological imagination? If it did, would sociology be even less well
funded and secure than it already is? Is radical sociology even
sociology, or is it really political economy that finds its way into
the discipline of the sociology because there are scarcely any
departments of political economy? In that way, are political economists
really interlopers in the conservative field of sociology pressing our
politicized criticism on the discipline unfairly?
While I cannot hope to answer all of these questions, I do think a
liberal paradigm that has so eagerly coopted the sociological
imagination deserves harsh rebuke for its selective appropriation of
the most palatable aspects of Mills’ critique. The liberal paradigm has
no defense for the reams of journal articles so painfully
self-referential and obtuse as to render Mills’ call for the
political task in social science mute. We can rarely find any evidence of Mills' declaration to make the
connection between the issues of social structure and the troubles of
personal biography clear to the public. On this count alone, sociology, as a discipline, is
guilty of gross negligence.
The predominance of liberal sociology matters precisely because of the
challenges facing contemporary society. By choosing to focus on the
theories of the middle range (at best) and the inane (at worst),
liberal sociologists have made a conscious decision that the lives of
those at risk from ecological crisis, inequality, civil conflict, etc.
are of less import than understanding identity construction, sub-group
behavior, organizational efficiency, etc. By excluding historical
social structure from their analysis, liberal sociologists have
conceded that resolving social problems is beyond their scope of
concern. To be frank, Mills was very clear that the social scientist
“is to combat all those forces which are destroying genuine publics and
creating a mass society–or put as a positive goal, [the] aim is to help
build and strengthen self-cultivating publics. Only then might society
be reasonable and free” (Mills 1959:186).
References
Dandaneau, Steven. 2009. “Sisyphus Had It Easy: Reflections of Two
Decades of Teaching the Sociological Imagination.” Teaching Sociology 37(1):8-19.
Mills, C. Wright. 1959. The Sociological Imagination. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Sethuraju,
Nadarajan (Raj), Paul Prew, Abdihakin Abdi, and Martel Pipkins. 2013.
“The Consequences of Teaching Critical Sociology on Course
Evaluations.” Sage Open July-September:1-15.
Szymanski, Albert J., and Ted George Goertzel. 1979. Sociology: Class,
Consciousness, and Contradictions. New York: D. Van Nostrand Company.