COMMENTARY ON PIERCE AND CHENEY, 3rd ed

Paul K. Brandon

Department of Psychology
Minnesota State University, Mankato

November 2, 2005


CONTENTS

Ch 1. A Science of Behavior: Perspective, History and Assumptions
Ch 2. The Experimental Analysis of Behavior
Ch 3. Reflexive Behavior and Respondent Conditioning
Ch 4. Reinforcement and Extinction of Operant Behavior
Ch 5. Schedules of Reinforcement
Ch 6. Aversive Control of Behavior
Ch 7. Operant-Respondent Interactions and the Biological Context of Conditioning
Ch 8. Stimulus Control
Ch 9. Choice and preference
Ch 10. Conditioned reinforcement
Ch 11: Correspondent Relations: Imitation and Rule-Governed Behavior
Ch 12. Verbal Behavior
Ch 13. Applied Behavior Analysis
Ch 14: Three levels of selection: Biology, Behavior and Culture



CHAPTER

PAGES

Ch 1:

A SCIENCE OF BEHAVIOR

p 12

The original Russian was conditional reflexes.

This makes the link to conditional probabilities clearer. A conditional reflex is one that occurs only under a particular set of conditions, such as the pairing of stimuli. A conditional stimulus is thus one that produces a response only under the condition that it has been paired with an unconditional stimulus (one that is effective under all conditions).

p 17 - 23

Behavior analysts tend to avoid the term causation. It has too many meanings, including that of an immediate mechanism. Rather, we use the term functional relationship. Two variables are said to be functionally related when a change in one variable reliably produces a corresponding change in the other. Note that this relationship is stronger than correlation, but still more restricted than causation.

In introducing some of the basic assumptions (the philosophy of science) of behaviorism, the authors distinguish between two forms of causation: immediate and remote.
The best way to look at this is in terms of displacement in time. Immediate causes are those events that happen immediately before the event to be explained, whereas remote causes are those that are displaced in time from the event being explained.

In the case of behavior, an immediate cause of some human action (let's say, writing a particular answer to an exam question) might be something happening in your brain. Remote causes might include your studying the night before, as well as your whole history of language use. going further back in time, your evolutionary history would also provide remote explanations for your behavior.

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Other journals published by the Association for Behavior Analysis are The Analysis of Verbal Behavior and The Behavior Analyst (which deals with theoretical and conceptual issues).

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"Objective" is a dirty word!
The authors use this term to characterize the lawfulness of behavior, but it is really not very helpful. They go on to use terms such as 'reliable', which is an improvement. We say that behavior is lawful because it is an effect that reliably occurs given that some specified cause has occurred. Behavior doesn't just happen!

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Note that to say that a topic (e.g. neurophysiology) is not a part of the science of Behavior Analysis is not to say that it is not a valid and interesting science in its own right. As I indicated earlier these are two complementary ways of accounting for behavior.

p 23

Causes need to be independently verified.
They must be based on some evidence other than that which they are used to explain. In other words, if 'thoughts' are used to explain behavior, the existence of thoughts must be based on some evidence other than behavior.
Again, the use of hypothetical constructs is a respectable scientific practice, but they must be labeled as such. The problem comes when we posit the existence of a hypothetical process such as 'cognition' on the basis of our observations of behavior, and then act as though it were a real thing that could in turn be used as an explanation of behavior. This is circular reasoning.
Another logical error is assuming that we can identify a cause from an effect. That is, assuming that if we know that some particular set of circumstances 'A' can produce another event 'B', then observing 'B' (the effect) tells us that 'A' (the cause) has occurred. The problem is that a given effect can have more than one cause.
An example of this is computer simulations of behavior.
We write a computer program that results in some model of human behavior, and assume that this has told us something about the mechanisms which cause human behavior. Unfortunately, all this has told us is that this is a logically possible mechanism. Some entirely different process might be the actual cause.---

As a final note: one way to avoid viewing behaviors (both public and private) as things rather than as actions is to tall about behaviors as verbs rather than as nouns.
Thus, rather than having a thought (which makes it sound like there is some real something in the head) we talk about thinking (something that we do).
This usage was first adopted by Robert Woodworth in his psychology text 75 years ago (see your Psych 207 Lab Manual) and has more recently been propounded by Philip Hineline.

p 23

One can also look at thinking as a covert behavior which is one part of an ultimately overt process when we include its antecedents and consequences. Some molar behavior theorists (e.g., Howard Rachlin) would say that this expanded scale makes the analysis of covert behavior unnecessary,

p 26

The correct answer to question 10 is A.

TOP

Ch 2:

THE EXPERIMENTAL ANALYSIS OF BEHAVIOR

p 27

Again, the issue is a structural vs. a functional analysis.
A structural analysis leads us to a taxonomy: a set of labels for different responses.
A functional analysis, on the other hand, does not require labeling. Behaviors are defined by the way that they interact with the environment.
A given response can (and usually does) have more than one function.

p 29

Response Classes.
When the authors talk about variability in regard to classes of responses they are referring to variability on the dimension of topography ("all forms" = "all topographies").
The variability in terms of function necessarily much less!
Since we define response classes functionally, any significant variation in function necessarily defines a new class of responses.

p 29

The inherent variability of behavior means that we must define responses in terms of classes of events. Single responses would be unique, nonrepeatable events (could you ever do anything exactly the same way twice)? However, we cannot talk about the frequency or probability of an event (stimulus or response) unless it can be repeated. Hence, we must define stimuli and responses in terms of classes of events.

p 30

A more appropriate term would be "reinforcing function", since we're talking about a process.
Also, we should talk about stimuli which have discriminative functions accompanying rather than preceding operants, to make it clear that we're not talking about elicited responses (respondents).
Finally, talking about humans sensing aspects of the environment is too cognitive. It would be more appropriate to talk about us having evolved so that our behavior can be functionally controlled by particular aspects of the environment.

p 33

The term "perception" refers (in behavioral terms) to the way in which we report to ourselves various aspects of the environment: verbal behavior under stimulus control.
Since all operant behavior is multiply controlled by many variables, these self-reports will vary from one person to another.

p 35

Aversive events also function as establishing operations, Negative reinforcement (the removal or avoidance of an aversive event) is effect only in the presence of that aversive event.
The concept of the establishing operation can also be applied to advertising. The function of advertising is to make certain products (more) effective as reinforcers.
Establishing operations also affect stimulus control, since that is also dependent upon reinforcement (see the example on page 31). Because of this tight coupling many behavior analysts describe the three-term contingency (Antecedent--Behavior--Consequence) as a single unit: the Discriminated Operant .

p 36

An experiment is a controlled change in a single variable, with all other variables held constant. Because this usually cannot be assured in the real world (which includes laboratories) we use procedures like reversal designs to rule out possible coincidental changes in other variables.
Each controlled change is an opportunity to disconfirm the functional relationship that we are investigating. The more times we change an experimental variable and observe the behavior changes accordingly, the less likely it is that this is a coincidence.
There are many ways to do this. The reversal designs described in the text are one. We might also introduce systematic changes in some variable, such as in drug studies. Here, the changes in behavior as we systematically change drug dosage produces what is termed a dose/response curve. Systematic changes in some sensory variable such as the wavelength of light would be another example.

p 45ff

Note the difference between Bernard's conjecture and the form of hypothesis testing done in large-N statistical analyses.
Here there is no null hypothesis; simply a predicted observation.
Any actual observation will be a positive outcome, whether it matches (confirms) the prediction, or deviates from it.
In fact, unexpected outcomes are often the most interesting ones (if they can be replicated, of course).

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Ch 3:

REFLEXIVE BEHAVIOR

p 59

The authors discuss Pavlov's original use of the Russian for conditional reflexes. The conceptual link between this term and the current usage conditioned and conditioning is that a conditioned reflex (stimulus, response, etc) is one whose effect is conditional upon (occurs only under the condition that) its relationship with some phylogenetically derived process, such as an unconditional (unconditioned) reflex.
This in turn takes us to conditional probabilities; the probability of some event given that some other event has occurred. Most of the processes that we refer to as conditioning can be described in terms of conditional probabilities.
For instance, reinforcement in operant conditioning can be described in terms of the likelihood of occurrence of a behavior given that (under the condition that) that behavior has had certain consequences. In other words, the probability of a behavior is conditional upon its history.
Pavlov did NOT use the term respondent.

p 64

Generalization and discrimination are really not two separate processes, but rather two ends of a continuum of spread of effect. If the effect of an antecedent or consequent operation (respondent or operant conditioning) is highly specific to a given stimulus situation we label the phenomenon discrimination). On the other hand, if the effect spreads to other (similar) situations, we label it generalization. Thus each can be described as the absence of the other!

p 68

Chance did a better job of covering this in his introductory text.
Note that the core of the systematic desensitization process appears to be the extinction of conditional responses. If the phobic stimuli were unconditional stimuli extinction would not occur, although habituation and counterconditioning (the conditioning of incompatible responses) might still be effective.

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Ch 4

REINFORCEMENT

p 83ff

The operant definition of reinforcement is sometimes said to be circular, since behavior and consequence are defined in terms of their effect on each other.
"Circularity" is not a problem unless explanation is involved; we are simply describing a self-consistent system.
The discriminated operant is often viewed as the basic unit of behavior (see
Davison, M., & Nevin, J. A. (1999). Stimuli, reinforcers, and behavior: An integration. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 71, 439-482).
In this case, the word "because" does not imply that we are identifying some explanatory mechanism -- we are simply giving a definition.

p 94

Note that the photo in FIG. 4.5 is a student setup (it should look familiar). Our setups are identical except that we use water instead of food pellets as a reinforcer. A research setup would involve much more experimental control.
There would be some form of automated control and data collection, since manual control and recording is not sufficiently reliable (and also quite tedious).

p 84

I prefer to restrict the term differential reinforcement to the situation where one response is reinforced and not other (similar) ones. The authors are using it to describe the acquisition of stimulus control.

p 96

Shaping criterion: does reinforcement of the approximation make the target response more likely to occur? This usually involves topographic similarity; this is not, however, a necessary relationship. Sometimes a similar response will be incompatible with the target response, such as a rat nosing under the lever.

p 99

In Fig. 4.9 the shaping reinforcers for approximations to the target behavior have not been shown. These presumably occurred during the first nine minutes.

p 106

My money is on Allen Neuringer. His analysis has much more subtlety and depth and he has done a lot more research in this area, using both human and animal subjects.
There is a common point with the studies on the supposedly negative effects of reinforcement: the contingency must be carefully analyzed. What you reinforce is what you get!.

p 111

A theoretical note on the behavior analysis of memory: The use of the noun memory is an example of "reification' -- treating an action as if it were a thing. We should be using the term remembering; more specifically the verbal report of some event after the passage of a period of time.
This makes the process less covert and mysterious. If we assume that the event being "remembered" is one which was first reported (if only to oneself) when it first occurred, it becomes clear that we are referring to the reoccurrence of some behavior which has already occurred at least once. See the Donahoe and Palmer source cited in the text.

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Ch 5:

SCHEDULES OF REINFORCEMENT.

pp 119f f

An introductory note: Reinforcement schedules describe contingencies. They are not labels for responses. Therefore, we cannot say that a given behavior is fixed ratio or fixed interval; simply that it is being influenced by those contingencies. This is important because more than one contingency might affect a given behavior at a given time. This is why it's hard to find good examples of pure schedule behavior in the real world of human activity.
The analysis of schedules of reinforcement is still important, however, because these contingencies can be found in human behavior even if they are not in the pure and simple form of the laboratory experiments. They illustrate functional relationships that we can find in human behavior, and which help to predict and account for it.

pp 122

Note that these examples of human behavior under reinforcement schedule control do not explain why schedules work this way. They are simply an illustration of the fact that we can see these response patterns in our own behavior.

pp 122

Donald Blough (JEAB 1963) has demonstrated that there are two functionally separate operants when a subject responds on a fixed ratio schedule: short IRT (InterResponse Time) responses and long IRT responses. Thus, postreinforcement pauses and punishment differentially affect long IRT responses, which are primarily under direct reinforcement control, but not short IRT responses, which are primarily under the stimulus control of the preceding response.

pp 123f f

Early in his career Francis Mechner did some important work on counting behavior in rats. Much of his career has been as an industrial consultant -- one might say a behavioral I/O psychologist.

p 132

P&C are still using the "batting average" example for variable ratio schedules. The problem is that batting is not a free operant; therefore we cannot talk about response rate patterns. A good guide to tell whether a ratio contingency is in effect is to ask whether an increase in the rate of response results in an increase in the rate of reinforcement. The meaning of the term ratio schedule is that we have defined the ratio of responses to reinforcers. If this is so, then mathematically a change in one must be accompanied by a change in the other, or the ratio has changed.
One might talk about the ratio of responses to reinforcers in a more restricted sense, taking into account only the number of responses and reinforcers; not their frequency. This, however, would exclude most of the literature on ratio contingencies, which does consider response rates as a defining characteristic of ratio schedule behavior.

p 133

Break/run fixed interval response patterns develop in rats which have been given considerable training (20 hours or so). See the examples of FI behavior posted on the lab booths!

pp 134

The assumption of generality goes back to Darwin and is supported by modern genetics. One might read Jared Diamond's The Third Chimpanzee, which postulates that human beings are just another subspecies of chimpanzee (we would classify humans and chimps as members of the same species if we were talking about any organism other than ourselves). This is supported by the great overlap (>95%) in genetic material between humans and chimps.

A note on human schedule behavior:
The reinforcements for responding on the schedule in the typical human experiment may be trivial in comparison to the reinforcers for simply participating in the experiment. This would be expected to produce very weak schedule control over behavior. You can see this in our second project, as well as in the RatRace experiment in Intro Behavior Analysis.

p 144

Ferster and Skinner (1957) also described in detail transitions between different reinforcement schedules.

p 144

The development of the CyberRat 2 simulation is an illustration of the difficulty in accounting for transitions between schedules. We found a great deal of variability between live rats that was difficult to simulate!

p 144

A reinforcement schedule where the size of the ratio is increased by a constant number of responses after each reinforcer is technically termed a progressive ratio (PrR) schedule of reinforcement. It is often used to assess the relative effectiveness of different reinforcers, such as drugs.

p 149

Sniffy is a very poor simulation of a live rat. If you try to shape him as if he were a real rat, he won't.

Note: In the Behavior of Organisms (1938) Skinner introduced what he termed a hydraulic theory of behavior: the Reflex Reserve theory. This theory assumed that some reserve of response strength was built up by reinforcements and depleted by responses. This theory foundered on the subtleties of behavior produced by different schedules of reinforcement and was soon abandoned. Skinner never again tried to develop an explanatory theory.
Recently A Charles Catania (SQAB 2004) has developed a mathematical formulation which he terms the Operant Reserve which does do an amazingly good job of reproducing behavior on different reinforcement schedules, and the transitions between them.
Note that this is not an explanation of behavior; just a mathematically parsimonious way of describing it.

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Ch 6:

AVERSIVE CONTROL OF BEHAVIOR

p 153

Note:
Because of the unpredicable ways in whihc Web browsers display subscripts and superscripts I am not going to use the conventional symbols for the various categories of stimuli. I hope that my approximations are clear.

S-ave typically precedes negative reinforcement as well as punishment, since few aversive stimuli are inescapable and unavoidable. Therefore, I'd rather use the term S-p to denote a stimulus which signals punishment (and is usually also a conditioned punisher) and S-ave to denote a conditioned aversive stimulus, which can have both negatively reinforcing, punishing and eliciting functions.

p 154

Fig. 6.1
Note that the term aversive contingencies is used to include all contingencies except positive reinforcement. This is a broader usage than the term aversive stimuli. Be sure to discriminate between these two terms.

p 153

This section illustrates the importance of defining the target behavior being analyzed. Punishment usually involves negative reinforcement for some alternative behavior which will prevent the occurrence of the aversive stimulus. Hence, aversive control includes both punishment and negative reinforcement, depending upon the specific behavior defined and its positive and aversive consequences.

p 16 0-1

Note that motivation as used here refers to an establishing operation, not to an internal state. P&C could easily have eliminated the term entirely and said that when a response has two consequences (positive reinforcement and punishment), the punishment contingency is made more effective when the reinforcer is made less effective by manipulating the reinforcement contingency through satiation (an establishing operation).

p 162

Adding heat is not removing cold. I hate to disagree with Phil Hineline, who is one of the most astute theoreticians in behavior analysis. However, in physics there is not such thing as cold, therefore it cannot be added to the environment. Rather, cold is a response to relatively low levels of heat, which is a physical quantity.
The homeostatic argument: There is usually some baseline ("normal") condition of an organism. A consequence of behavior that can be characterized as a departure from that baseline is termed positive (reinforcement or punishment). If conditions are not normal for the organism, a consequence that returns the organism to the baseline level of stimulation would be termed negative. This distinction is still not likely to be perfect, but it is helpful in discriminating the usages positive and negative.

Avoidance vs. Escape
Again, there is no way of avoiding borderline cases, but a helpful guide to discriminating escape from avoidance is the discriminability of the consequences of behavior. If there is an obvious change in the environment as a consequence of the behavior, we are likely to term the behavior escape.
On the other hand, if the immediate consequence of behavior is no change in the environment, making the contingencies difficult to discriminate, than they are most likely avoidance.
To take a molar approach, both forms of negative reinforcement have a common element of an overall reduction in the likelihood of occurrence of the aversive event as a consequence of the behavior; the emission of the behavior is correlated with a lower density of the aversive event.

p 167

It is possible to construct a positive reinforcement analog of Herrnstein and Hineline's shock density reduction procedure. Unfortunately, nothing has been published on this: the closest to it is Brandon, Paul K. (1971). Reinforcer-density-change Schedule of Reinforcement. 1971 APA Proceedings.

As I noted above, Phil Hineline is a very important figure in contemporary Behaviorism and Behavior Analysis. In addition to the areas cited by the authors, he is actively interested in verbal and rule governed behavior; in general, the nature of language.

p 168

C.B.Ferster (1979) defined emotion as a broad change in the ongoing operant repertoire.

p 177

The authors follow Sidman's usage of coercion as the control of behavior through the use of aversive stimulation. I am agreement with Murray Sidman in regard to the importance of these questions, and of the undesirability of controlling behavior in this manner when effective alternatives are available (Murray Sidman is another individual for whom I have a great deal of respect, and whom I do not disagree with without very careful thought). He wrote a book (Coercion and its Fallout) on the topic.

However, another individual whom I respect highly takes a slightly different approach to the use of the term coercion. C.B. Ferster (1979) defines coercion in a more general sense as any control of behavior that uses disproportionate consequences. Thus, the use of very large reinforcers to cause someone to do something that they would not normally do could also be characterized as coercion. Baum (1994) also adopts this usage.

Another key is that coercion involves a change in someone else's behavior that produces long term reinforcement for you but not for them. In fact, it is often at their longterm expense.

TOP

Ch 7:

OPERANT-RESPONDENT RELATIONSHIPS

p 185

If you're interested in the Brelands' work, you might want to take a look at the video Patient Like The Chipmunk (BF319.5.O6 P37 1996). It was produced by Marion Breland Bailey and her second husband Bob Bailey, who was also associated with the Breland and Breland operation. Of course, you may remember this from IntroBA!

p 192

Timberlake's concept of behavior systems can be related to establishing operations since it also involves broad changes in response classes or broad operant repertoires.

p 194

The point might be made even more strongly, since Dworkin and Miller (1986) later directly retracted their claims to have operantly conditioned autonomic responses:

"After more than 2,500 rats were studied, it is concluded that the original visceral learning experiments are not replicable and that the existence of visceral learning remains unproven".
Dworkin, B., & Miller, N. (1986). Failure to replicate visceral learning in the acute curarized rat preparation. Behavioral Neuroscience, 100, 299 314.

This may also say something about the reinforcement contingencies of graduate students, since they do most of the actual rat running in this sort of research, and have a tendency to find what their mentors (and employers) expect them to find.

pp 195

Morris's (and P&E's) real point about "context" is that behavior Analysis is ultimately about conditional probabilities. That is, we look at the likelihood that a given behavior will occur given that certain other events have occurred. This is another way of defining a functional relationship (sound familiar ?).
Thus, we don't just say that a given response (defined only in terms of its physical form or topography) has occurred.
We say that it has a certain likelihood of being emitted given that a certain stimulus is present, and given that certain establishing operations are in effect, and given that the organism has a certain genetically determined biological makeup.
The organism's probabiliity of responding is conditional upon all of these factors.
Remember that the term conditioning was originally a mistranslation of Pavlov's Russian for conditional.

p 199

The behavior systems approach (see p192) might also be applied to adjunctive behavior. Here again we have a relationship between two different sets of behavior and reinforcement, such as food/eating and water/drinking. Apparently these two behavior systems are interrelated so that changing one through reinforcement contingency manipulations (eating on a time schedule) has an effect on another system (drinking) which is not involved in a specific reinforcement contingency.

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CHAPTER

PAGES

Ch 8:

STIMULUS CONTROL

S-ave typically precedes negative reinforcement as well as punishment, since few aversive stimuli are inescapable and unavoidable. Therefore, I'd rather use the term S-p to denote a stimulus which signals punishment (and is usually also a conditioned punisher) and S-ave to denote a conditioned aversive stimulus, which can have both negatively reinforcing, punishing and eliciting functions.

I think that footnote1 is a potentially confusing oversimplification that might obscure the specifics of different stimulus functions.
Let's just say that the term discriminative stimulus denotes a situation in which a given contingency is in effect.
Also note that the terms S+ and S- are also commonly used in place of S-dee and S-delta (See Catania 1999).

p 210

Note that multiple schedules often involve two or more different reinforcement schedules neither of which is extinction (see p214: behavioral contrast). In this case we'd have to refer to S-dee1 and S-dee2.

P 212

The "Bird-Brained" Pigeon.
We used a similar procedure in the last rat experiment (Stimulus Discrimination) in Intro Behavior Analysis. In our case the schedule was a chain rather than a multiple schedule, but the purpose was the same: to separate responding at the end of the S-delta period from reinforcement during S-dee.

p 217

Discrimination and generalization may be described as opposite ends of one continuum: the strength of stimulus control as indexed by response frequency.
When stimulus control is strong (a large difference in response frequency in the presence and absence of the stimulus) we say that a subject discriminates. When the difference in response frequency is small, we say that the subject generalizes.

p 220

Terrace's recent work with Rhesus monkeys on counting -- the relative stimulus control by the number of objects is another good example. The monkeys were trained to indicate the greater or less number of objects numbering one to five, and then tested on six to nine to show that in fact the relations greater and lesser had been trained; not just absolute stimulus discriminations.

p 222

The book is not as clear as it should be; particularly in distinguishing between the cognitive psychological language of information processing and storage and the behavioral language of acquiring and emitting behavior (I had some commentary on it for the last edition of the text, and will redo it). Basically, the behavioral approach to memory is to say that the behavior acquired is reporting events to oneself, and then repeating that report to oneself (literally 'recalling it') at some later time. This recasts the situation in terms of the probability of the reoccurrence of a behavior, rather than using reifications such as 'memory' and 'information'. This approach also eliminates the need for positing intervening covert behaviors to account for recall. This is no more necessary that it would be to account for why any behavior acquired at one time is emitted at some later time.

p 226

"Remembering" can also be analyzed as the acquisition of a reporting response, and the emission of that response after a period of time has passed.
When you actively "notice" something (report it to yourself), you are more likely to be able to describe (report) it later.
This is why active studying that involves the same verbal behavior that you want to be able to reproduce later is more effective than simply reading (or highlighting) the material.

See Palmer, David C. (1991). A Behavioral Interpretation of Memory. In LJ. Hayes and P.N.Chase (eds.) Dialogues on verbal behavior (pp. 261-279). Reno, NV: Context Press.

p 228

The ultimate probe on the pigeon's concept of human:
In a similar experiment, Malott and Malott (citation?) found that their pigeons appeared to be consistently misclassifying one picture. Following Skinner's dictum that "the subject is always right" they examined the offending slide (which they had classified as not having a human figure in it) more closely and found that the subjects were right; there was a small picture of a person that they had missed, but the pigeons hadn't!

p 229

One can define a concept behaviorally as a range of controlling stimuli where there is complete generalization within the stimulus bounds of the concept and complete discrimination beyond those bounds. Thus, rather than the usual triangular generalization gradient À there would be a rectangular one .
The philosopher Gilbert Ryle (1949) has talked about category errors. One common such error is in assigning a label to a category of events and then treating that label as if it somehow explained those events.
Conditional probabilities are at the heart of the 3-term contingency.
We say that response B produces consequence C, given that situation A is in effect. Thus, the probability of occurrence of the response is conditional upon the stimulus situation in effect at a given time.
One might say that all natural human discriminations are conditional ones. There is never a pure and simple stimulus situation; there is always some context on which stimulus control is conditional.

TOP

Ch 9:

CHOICE AND PREFERENCE

p 236

As a slightly more rigorous definition of choice: Doing one thing (emitting an operant) when other operants are also possible (are in the individual's repertoire, physically possible, etc). The material on concurrent chains will develop this further.
The term choice generally does not refer to a behavior, but to a relationship between two or more operants. The exception is a situation like the Findley procedure where there is an explicit choosing response.

p 240

One procedure for increasing child compliance is called the Hi P/Lo-P procedure (see publications by Houlihan, Daniel).
This is based on presenting a series of prompts for responses which have a high probability of occurrence, followed by a prompt for a behavior that is less likely to occur.
This has been shown to increase the likelihood of compliance with the low probability prompts.
This is consistent with the predictions made by the matching law (the prompter is increasing the frequency of reinforcement in her presence) and establishing operations (the high probability of compliance prompts establish the prompter as a source of reinforcement, increasing the likelihood of all behaviors reinforced by that person.

p 257

Note that the formulation of the matching law is based on experiments with uniform responses and reinforcers. This does not happen in the real world of human behavior, making a precise analysis somewhat more difficult.
However, when we're dealing with economics (see behavioral economics at the end of the chapter), reinforcers do have standard units. This, of course, includes many human behaviors of great interest to most of us!

p 257

One could add a whole chapter on behavioral economics.
As indicated, Richard Herrnstein is credited with originating this area of analysis.
Steven Hursh and Howard Rachlin currently contribute much to this field, as does Fran McSweeney with her analyses of within session changes in the patterns of behavior maintained by reinforcement schedules.
One contribution of behavioral economics is the distinction between open and closed economies.
When a subject gets most of its food (or other reinforcers) outside of the experimental situation (an open economy) its behavior is quite different from when it gets all of its food under experimental conditions (a closed economy).
There have even been a couple of human studies in which subjects lived for a couple of weeks in an experimental setting, with the consequences of most behaviors under experimental control.
This term might also be applied to Walden Two type social experiments such as Los Horcones <http://tm.wc.ask.com/r?t=an&s=m&uid= 0FEFAD729EBC0D4F3&sid=13CBC3A5D30D9DE0 4&qid=383F929862F80046811295DDECCE2097&io= 0&sv=za5cb0d8d&o=0&ask=%22Los+Horcones%22&u ip=861d0b6c&en=te&eo= 100&pt=Los+Horcones%3a+A+Walden+Two+communit y&ac=24&qs=0&pg=1&ep=1&te_par=102&te_id=&u=http:// www.loshorcones.org.mx/>.
The open/closed distinction is an example of a concept from classical economics being incorporated into behavior analysis, as is the concept of elasticity, which can be applied to the analysis of addictive drugs.

p 262

The Quantitative Law of Effect.
I don't expect you to be able to reproduce this math on tests.
Its importance is as an illustration that behavior analysis can make some specific, quantitative statements about behavior -- go beyond a simple verbal narrative.
It is also a reminder that behavior must always be analyzed in context!

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Ch 10:

CONDITIONED REINFORCEMENT

p 273

Another issue in backward chaining is the question of whether the verbal prompts necessary to produce the behavior are in the subject's repertoire.
If they are, then we can use forward chaining.
If not -- either because the subject lacks the necessary verbal repertoire or because the language lacks the necessary verbal responses -- than backwards chaining is the best choice.
This is also related to the distinction between stimulus control and direct reinforcement control which will be developed in the next chapter.

p 276

The distinction between the new response and the existing response methods of assessing the effectiveness of conditioned reinforcers boils down to the choice of a behavior to be reinforced.
Do we use a conditioned reinforcer to shape a new behavior, or do we use it to maintain a behavior already in the subject's repertoire? The latter is often easier to accomplish.
To use the Extinction experiment in Psych 207 as an example, as we did it we extinguished an existing response (the lever press) by removing both the primary (water) and conditioned (click) reinforcers.
To make it an existing response test of a conditioned reinforcer we would simply empty the water dish (thus eliminating the primary reinforcer) but continue to operated the dipper so that the conditioned reinforcer of the click remains.
The first project in this course, on the other hand, is an example of the new response method, since you will add responses to the chain be using previously established S-dee's as conditioned reinforcers.

pp 286ff

Generalized conditioned reinforcers and social behavior.
The authors are less clear than they might be here.Let's start with the concept of generalized conditioned reinforcers. First analyze the term (to analyze something is to break it down into its component parts).
Reinforcers are consequences of behavior which maintain or increase that behavior.
Conditioned reinforcers are effective because of their relationship with other reinforcers.
Generalized (conditioned) reinforcers are effective in many situations (can reinforce many behaviors) because they are not dependent upon any particular establishing operation. This is true because they are maintained by their relationship to many different backup reinforcers. The text gives the classic examples.
To apply this to human social interactions we must first look at the characteristics of generalized reinforcement. It is very consistent; always effective; not dependent upon specific situations or conditions. Therefore, if social interactions are maintained by generalized reinforcement they will be more consistent. If you are reinforced for maintaining a social relationship with someone, you will do so in most situations; not just when you are hungry or thirsty.
This is important since much of our behavior is social in nature (involves the behavior of other people). Societies would be far less stable if they wsere based on something less predictable than generalized reinforcement!

p 287

The behavior concept of countercontrol parallels the concept of checks and balances in the U.S. Constitution. In fact, the Constitution can be looked at as an attempt to establish and institutionalize countercontrol so that no portion of society can exercise disproportion control over another.

p 290

Another advantage in applied settings of money or other tokens over primary reinforcers is the generalized conditioned reinforcers are less disruptive to ongoing operant behavior than is primary reinforcement. You don't stop to eat tokens!

p 292

Natural or generic reinforcement contingencies refers to consequences of behavior that are not mediated by the intervention of a specific person acting on some plane.

In other words, we can predict that they will occur whenever the specified behavior occurs in normal situations. The subject's normal environment will maintain the behavior once it is in the repertoire.

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Ch 11:

CORRESPONDENCE RELATIONS

p 295 ff

Note: Correspondence Relations refers to a particular type of stimulus control: one where the discriminative stimulus is itself the behavior of an individual, which exerts stimulus control (often of a point-to-point nature) over the behavior of another individual.
Since the changes in the second individual's behavior are not always immediate (particularly in the case of rules) and work in conjunction with other sources of stimulus control we must also include function altering events (see p 320) in this discussion.
Note also the danger of confusion with correspondence theories of truth (not something that we've concerned ourselves with in this course ;-):
A statement may be considered true or justified in some sense if it corresponds with either other observations or some absolute criteria of the state of events.
This is more an issue for the philosophy of science.
It does arise when we consider private events (such as thoughts) in the next chapter.

p 298 ff

Robert Epstein's work is portrayed in the video Cognition, Creativity and Behavior shown in IntroBA.
His picture in the text is not current.

pp 304ff

Generalized imitation can be looked at as a higher order response class acquired through induction.
That is, as one is reinforced for imitating many different things, imitation itself has become a class of responses established and maintained by a history of (usually intermittent) reinforcement.
We call it a higher order class of responses since it is a class that is itself made up of smaller classes of responses (individual types of imitation).
If imitation itself is a response class, then we don't need to have a reinforcement history of imitating any given act or model in order to do it.
This also leads to the question of whether induction itself is a phylogenetically determined process. That is, have we evolved the capacity to acquire general categories of behavior as a result of acquiring many related individual behaviors?

p 312

Expectancy is not a behavioral construct, since it puts the cause after the effect. Rather than talking about expectancies, talk about a history of reinforcement for related behaviors in related situations. It may not seem as straightforward, but it is more logically defensible.
It's the statement of the future probability of an event based on history.

p 312

Promised rewards may be interpreted as establishing operations.

p 314 ff

Precurrent behavior is actually a term originally coined by J.R. Kantor a decade or two before Skinner (a colleague of his) used the term.
It refers to a behavior that makes it possible for the individual to emit another behavior, and is often used in the context of problem solving.
One might look at precurrent behaviors in a behavioral chain; the chain cannot continue (and the primary reinforcer be obtained) unless certain behaviors occur first and set the occasion for the later behaviors. We may postulated that private events (thoughts) sometimes have this function.

p 315 ff

Rule and contingency governance are not a dichotomy but rather a continuum. This is where the concept of higher order response classes comes in handy.
Following rules is itself maintained by reinforcement contingencies (see my previous discussion).
Therefore, the question is what specific type of reinforcement contingency is maintaining behavior; not rules or contingencies.
In fact, given an adequately detailed analysis (c.f Brandon and Smasal, 2004); Smasal, 1987) both contingencies can be shown to be simultaneously in effect.
Another point is that rule governance usually concerns the acquisition of new behaviors. Reinforcement contingencies are still needed to maintain behavior.

Rules are often characterized as verbal discriminative stimuli.
This is too simple. For a rule to be a verbal SD it would have to produce an immediate change in behavior. This often is not the case. Rules are often better described as function altering stimuli; they change the way in which a stimulus controls behavior.
The rule tells you what to do in a given situation; your behavior doesn't actually change until you are in that situation (which is the actual SD).

p 316 ff

Pliance and tracking are the listener's equivalent of manding and tacting for the speaker (this will be developed in the next chapter).

TOP

Ch 12:

VERBAL BEHAVIOR

p 324ff

The term language leads us to regard words as things or objects that exist independently of behavior, rather than as behaviors which have separate response functions for speakers and discriminative stimulus functions for listeners.

p 325

Chomsky vs. Skinner
They are addressing different problems not really arguing with each other.

Chomsky is interested primarily in the structure of language (although he has shifted a a bit recently). He is interested in identifying inherited mechanisms which make it possible for people to acquire language behavior.
Skinner. On the other hand, was interested in the function of language. His question is how do people acquire language?. What is the function of language; why do people say one thing rather than another?

p 326

While the authors start out by listing the most common categories of verbal behavior, the definition is a functional one.
Verbal behavior is any behavior that is reinforced by a change in a listener's behavior through the mediation of a common intraverbal repertoire (words that are events having the same stimulus and response functions for the speaker and the listener). This definition should be credited to C.B. Ferster (1974).
Another way of stating this is to say that the speaker and listener should be able to exchange roles.
Thus, a dog who could respond appropriately to many verbal commands but could not emit them herself would not be said to be behaving verbally.

p 326

Rule governed behavior might be defined as "behavior under the stimulus control of verbal behaviors, reinforced generically as a functional member of a higher order response class." In other words, the immediate reinforcement for following rules is not the outcome of following a specific rule, but rather the (intermittent) social reinforcement which maintains the broader class of behaviors which we label following rules.
If we have a history of reinforcement for following rules (being under the control of verbal discriminative stimuli) we will do so even when they conflict with immediate reinforcement contingencies.
Bear this in mind in the second project, when analyzing cases where your subjects' behavior may not be that which is predicted by the reinforcement schedule in effect.

p 327

Some recent research (the article was in Science) indicates that gestures preceded vocal language. The blind use gestures even when talking to another person that they know is blind.
From an evolutionary point of view bipedalism (which we know preceded speech and large brains) may have allowed a richer repertoire of gestures and thus set the stage for language.

p 331

Skinner himself never did any research on verbal behavior; when he wrote the book no one had done any systematic data collection in the context of antecedents and consequences. This is why Verbal Behavior is best viewed as a statement of testable hypotheses.

Rule governance may be looked at as a higher order class of responses (a class who members are themselves classes of responses).

p 333

Tacting might also be looked at as a higher order response class. A reinforcement history of verbal responding under the stimulus control of nonverbal events is another way of describing the generic reinforcement contingencies which maintain this class of behavior.

p 33x

We sometimes talk about the intraverbal repertoire; that is the the individual's repertoire of verbal responses ("words") and their dual response and stimulus functions. Again, this may be looked at as a defining characteristic of verbal behavior (see page 296).

p 335

See my taxonomy of verbal behavior on the Behavioral Basics sheet.

p 339

See my earlier comments about Chomsky and Skinner.

You can see Jack and Jill in the film Cognition, Creativity and Behavior (video). BF 311 .C6 1982 (shown in Psych 207).
This demonstration illustrates some other interesting phenomena such as the same person being both speaker and listener, and memory and note-taking.

p 345

Chimpanzees have been taught to tact visual illusions, such as telling whether a rotating spiral is expanding or contracting (how do you think that this was accomplished?).
Some other questions:
Why is the tacting of private events inherently less precise than the tacting of public events (hint: how is tacting taught)?
What is the name of the science that is based on the tacting of private events?

p 347

Echoic behavior is not simply the duplication of sounds; the voices of the speaker and listener may be quite different. It would be better to say that the relationship is between functionally equivalent verbal stimuli of the same modality.
Similarly, echoic and textual refer to different forms of correspondence relationships between stimuli and responses. The difference is not a basic one.

p 34x

Saying and pointing are not necessarily functionally different. The statement give me that toy on the TV is a functional equivalent to pointing.
Steven Hayes has introduced the terms pliance and tracking as the listener's counterparts to manding and tacting, respectively.
Again, tacting can be analyzed as a higher order response class.

p 34x

The interdependence of mand and tact functions may be due to the membership of words in equivalence classes.

p 351

Ronald Schusterman (JEAB 19??) has demonstrated equivalencing in sea lions.
There is a relationship between the degree of retardation and whether equivalencing can be acquired.

p 351

According to Murray Sidman, equivalencing is a basic process (like reinforcement) and cannot be derived from more basic processes. This would be the first qualitative difference acknowledged by behavior analysis between humans and other animals. As the text indicates, there is some controversy as to whether equivalencing has been shown in subjects other than humans. There is some disagreement about this.

p 352

Equivalencing and the emergence of untrained relationships is the key to the power of human language. Think about it (talking to yourself about it -- see the section on the same person being both speaker and listener).

p 352

Skinner added another class of verbal responses : autoclitics. These are verbal behaviors whose function is to modify the effect of other verbal behaviors.
Much of grammar falls into this category.

p 352

A review of Moerk's work can be found in Salzinger, K. (1994). The lad was a lady, or the mother of all language learning: A review of Moerk's First language: Taught and learned. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 62, 323-329.

TOP

Ch 13:

APPLIED BEHAVIOR ANALYSIS

p 359

Applied Behavior Analysis and Experimental Behavior Analysis are a continuum, not a dichotomy. Epling, Pierce, and Cheney fall someplace in the middle of this continuum in terms of their work.

p 360

In terms of behavior analysis, there is no 'abnormal behavior', only abnormal contingencies.
As the authors point out, with the (uncommon) exception of physical abnormalities due to disease or developmental defect, behavior is a lawful result of contingencies.

p 362

Again, "rules vs. Contingencies" is not a dichotomy, since rule following is itself a behavior maintained by contingencies.
The real question becomes a specification of the particular contingencies controlling a particular behavior.
Are they the immediate consequences of the behavior, or are they verbal discriminative stimuli maintained by more remote reinforcement?
What this discussion does highlight is the need for natural contingencies to maintain behavior.
As I've pointed out before, rule following is itself a higher order response class which requires both a history of intermittent reinforcement and current reinforcement contingencies to be maintained.
The real point is therefore not whether rules can change behavior; it's the need for some kind of natural contingency to maintain the changes produced by rules.

------

That's "Dr. Don Baer".

p 364

There are two definitive texts on behavioral-analytic research.
One is Murray Sidman's classic Tactics of Scientific Research (1963).
The other is J.M. Johnston and H.S. Pennypacker's Strategies And Tactics Of Behavioral Research (2nd ed, 1993).

p 364ff

These are some examples of the many possible single case research designs.
Another one that's common in behavioral pharmacology (among other areasa) is the generation of dose response curves. Here, we demonstrate that as we systematically change the dose of a drug, some defined behavioral effect changes in a functionally related manner.

p 369

There's a good quote from a couple of centuries ago on the effectiveness of lectures:

Lectures were once useful; but now when all can read and books are so numerous, lectures are unnecessary. If your attention fails and you miss part of a lecture, it is lost; you cannot go back as you do upon a book..

Samuel Johnson (1799), cited in Boswell, p 462

p 370 372

Celeration charts are logarithmic; that is they are based on ratios.
They are usually used to describe changes in fluency; a joint function of rate and accuracy.

p 373

There are limits to "the learner knows best".
Yes, her behavior is lawful, but see Morris earlier on context.
The fact that what a learner says is a lawful function of identifiable conditions does not necessarily make her statement a correct answer!

p 374

Cultural replacement:
Where do the students in the halls of Trafton come from?

p 375

A reminder: Choose does not refer to an action; it's a description of an allocation of behavior across situations.

See page 314 for an account of precurrent behavior.

p 376

There is some question as to whether there is really any such thing as "self-reinforcement" in the sense of directly delivering reinforcers to oneself.
The concept of contingency requires some separate event for reinforcement to occur. At best, one might present verbal conditioned reinforcers to oneself (see the speaker as listener under verbal behavior). These would still have to be backed up by primary reinforcers to remain effective.

p 377

The term Applied Behavior Analysis is becoming a generic label for a specific set of procedures which apply Behavior Analysis to the treatment of autism.
Strictly speaking, it's the application of behavior analytic principles to develop a set of contingencies which will produce an expanded set of social and verbal repertoires in those individuals labeled 'autistic'.

TOP

Ch 14:

LEVELS OF SELECTION

p 391

Note that selectionism is based on a very different type of explanatory account from that typical of physics and chemistry.
We are not looking for intervening mechanisms to account for behavior (that is the complementary science of neurophysiology).
Rather, we are looking for historical explanations; descriptions of the conditions which caused a particular behavior to occur in a particular situation.
This is the kind of account used in the study of evolution. Darwin described the basic system of natural selection long before we understood the genetic mechanisms involved. Darwin was not even aware of Mendel's work.
Also note: Darwin did not disover or originate the Theory of Evolution; he described one theory of how the evolutionary process (widely accepted in his time -- his grandfather Erasmus Darwin wrote on that topic) worked.
That is the process of Natural Selection.

p 391

One can also draw a parallel between the processes of artificial selection and coercion. In both cases, selection is for the benefit of the selector; not the species or behaving organism whose characteristic is selected.

p 392

While Skinner introduced the parallel with evolution in Science and Human Behavior (1953), he more formally developed the analysis in Selection By Consequences. Science, 1981, 213, 501-504.

p 392-3

One can distinguish between contingencies and metacontingencies (cultural practices) by looking at the level on which fitness and propagation operate.
For behavioral contingencies, it is the individual behavior which is selected; made more likely to reoccur.
A metacontingency, on the other hand, while still dealing with behaving individuals, does not produce its defining consequences on the level of the behaving individual. Rather, a metacontingency is propagated (continues to occur) because it makes the culture (group of individuals) who practice it more successful (see also pp 410ff).

p 393

Gould's use of the term contingency in his book Wonderful Life (1989) is rather different from ours.
Gould is saying that the course of evolution was contingent upon very specific and local conditions.
If we restarted the process -- 'rewound the tape' in his phrase - we might get a very different result.
Thus, he is saying that the course of evolution was not predetermined.
The book is a very good read, by the way.

p 394

Even monozygotic (identical) twins show some physical variations (as do clones). A number of factors are involved: mutations, gene expression, differences in the prenatal environment, etc.

p 394

The common point in natural selection and reinforcement is propagation: some aspect of the organism is made more likely to reoccur.

p 397

FAPs illustrate the difference between structure and function in the analysis of behavior. While they look like operants in terms of complexity, they function like respondents in that they are determined only by antecedents, not by consequences. Once a FAP is modified by its consequences, it has become and operant.</